Post by jacob1srae1ite Post by Bluuuue Rajah Post by Michel
As the mother of two girls, I hope not. In fact, Summers himself said
in his infamous comments about intrinsic differences between the
Post by Michel
Was Larry Summers right about women and science, after all?
It depends on what people think they heard. He's typically, but
incorrectly, paraphrased as having said that girls are "genetically"
less capable of doing science. Because people are clueless about
deterministic effects of environmental conditioning, they wrongly think
that genetics are the only intrinsic humans factors that exist.
In fact, it's commonly accepted that girls are environmentally
conditioned to be worse at math and science than boys, but if you
consider environmental conditioning to be intrinsic, then Summers was
right. He got caught in the feminist political machine, and it ground
him to hamburger, because non-enraged non-feminists haven't yet found
(and may never find) a way to counter their rage-driven arguments.
In short, you can't win an argument when your opponent sucker punches
Is it ok to note that the income gender gap AROUND THE WORLD is a
standard deviation? Or that the economics gender gap [understanding
of economics] is almost two standard deviations? Or that the throwing
gender gap [read: like throwing a baseball] is THREE standard
Then why is it not ok to note that Norwegian boys scored 2 standard
deviations higher than Swiss boys (589 vs. 519)?
And that Swiss boys scored 2 standard deviations higher than Swiss
girls (519 vs. 444)?
And that Swiss girls scored another standard deviation higher than
American girls (444 vs. 393),
for a total of 5 standard deviations of separation between American
girls and Norwegian boys?
Not even what Summers said gets even close to what ALL the
standardized test scores [including NAEP once you understand their
about the GAP. All people ever quote is the part about the standard
deviation for boys being larger than that for girls,
and thus this is the ONLY reason we'd expect to see a higher ratio of
boys to girls at the higher end.
Even SAT math confirms this gender gap. Two thirds of those who score
higher than 600 are boys and only one third are girls, so we'd EXPECT
to see a ratio of 2 boys to every one girl in college admissions,
Do you know what the ratio really IS?
Read: even if it's "it's commonly accepted that girls are
environmentally conditioned to be worse", I see ZERO statistical
evidence of it and EVERY reason this was the design from the get-go.
Bravo! Finally a voice of reason in the gender gap debate.
Smitty- Hide quoted text -
- Show quoted text -
Here are a few more ditties to fill in the gaps for those who don't
grasp the gender gap:
GENDER GAP IN PHYSICS: 3 STANDARD DEVIATIONS
TIMSS shows that at the 12th grade level, whose scores are very
different from the 8th grade level in both directions (up for most
countries, VERY much down for the US), Norwegian boys scored 2
standard deviations higher than Swiss boys (589 vs. 519). But Swiss
boys scored 2 standard deviations higher than Swiss girls (519 vs.
444). And Swiss girls scored another standard deviation higher than
American girls (444 vs. 393), for a total of 5 standard deviations of
separation between American girls and Norwegian boys.
SAT scores for 12th graders show that boys in Catholic states score
almost two standard deviations lower than boys in Protestant states.
And girls in Catholic states score another two standard deviations
lower than boys in Catholic states, for a total of 4 standard
deviations of separation between Protestant boys and Catholic girls.
They also show that two thirds of those who score over 600 in SAT math
are boys and only one third are girls.
Even though the GRE (Graduate Record Examination) is not a
representative cross-section of the American population, as it's taken
mostly by college graduates hoping to go to graduate school and thus
represents a small, elite crowd, it still confirms the phenomena
closely enough. Not only does it show that the standard deviation for
males of every race in every GRE subject is higher than for females of
those respective races and topics, but it too shows that the gender
gap for Whites and Hispanics is two thirds of a standard deviation,
hardly a "statistically insignificant" difference as the news media
expounds. Even the smaller standard deviations of .6 for "other"
races, .59 for Mexicans, .56 for Asians, .5 for Puerto Ricans, .47 for
Indians, and .4 for Blacks can hardly be characterized as
NAEP confirms the phenomena, plus provides the additional insight that
blacks score another 5-9 standard deviations lower than Whites, and
that blacks in the District of Columbia have an IQ which is 4 IQ
points lover than the average for American blacks, another half of a
While egalitarians delight in proclaiming that the gender gap in NAEP
math decreased from 7 points to only 3 points and the White/Black race
gap decreased from 38 points to only 28 points just in the last three
decades, the most casual observation of the data will prove to you
otherwise. Is it really possible that our education system managed to
alter God's Design by narrowing race and gender gaps which have
existed for millennia--in only a few short decades? No. Is it possible
that, given such huge gender and race gaps in other standardized
tests, that NAEP managed to produce a test which illustrates no gender
and lower race gaps? No. What did happen is the way the standard
deviation was changed in the reporting of the data. The most
optimistic assessment of how this standard deviation was changed shows
that this supposed decrease in the race gap from 38 to 28 points was
actually an increase in the standard deviation from 5.4 to 9.3. Is
that possible? Could this dumbing down of America as reflected in the
135 SAT point decrease just in the last four decades and our scoring
dead last in 17 of 34 TIMSS subjects have resulted in the dumbing down
of Blacks even more?
That's actually not impossible, because the experts who've manipulated
this test data (and they are truly experts at manipulating this data)
have managed to remove it from our public consciousness and from all
Not every step along the way is necessarily cumulative. It's not
possible that the total number of standard deviations of separation
between American black females in DC and boys in Norway is a total of
14 to 18.5 standard deviations. This comparison of different types of
tests designed to measure different attributes with different and in
some cases unknown standard deviations is for illustrative purposes.
The facts are known by the experts and we the sheeple need to know
what they know.
GENDER GAP IN THROWING: 3 STANDARD DEVIATIONS
Does the throwing "gender gap" occur in Germany?
Publication: Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport
Publication Date: 01-DEC-05 Format: Online
Delivery: Immediate Online Access
Full Article Title: Does the throwing "gender gap" occur in Germany?
(Research Note--Growth and Motor Development)
Key words: ball velocity, culture, developmental levels, motor
Boys and girls in the U.S. consistently demonstrate large
developmental differences in the overarm throw for force. Thomas and
French (1985) applied a meta-analysis to 16 throwing studies and found
that these as as...
...gender differences started early 3 years of age. The differences
grew to 2-3 standard deviations by the teen years. Regardless of
whether the dependent variable was the distance thrown, ball velocity,
or the developmental level of the movements used, boys were
developmentally more advanced than girls. Recently, Pulito Runion,
Roberton, and Langendorfer (2003) replicated these findings in 13-year-
olds. The gender difference in ball velocity was 1.8 standard
Reasons for this "gender gap" are unclear. Williams, Haywood, and
Painter (1996) found no gender differences in ball velocities when
they asked 7-12-year-olds to throw with their nondominant arm. They
conjectured that boys practiced throwing more than girls, which made
them superior on their dominant side. Nelson, Thomas, and Nelson
(1991) found little longitudinal change over 3 years in girls'
throwing patterns. They also speculated that this lack of change
reflected less practice. On the other hand, Thomas and French (1985)
and Nelson, Thomas, Nelson, and Abraham (1986) concluded that biology
must be at least partially responsible for the gender gap. The latter
reported that three anthropometric measures (joint diameters, shoulder/
hip ratio, sum of skinfolds) and only one environmental measure
(playing with other children) accounted for 41% of the variance in the
distance 5-year-olds could throw.
These studies occurred in the U.S., a country that encourages male
skillfulness in throwing through its cultural emphasis on sports like
baseball, football, and softball. Newell's (1986) constraints theory
(that levels of motor development emerge from the intersection of
environment, person, and task) suggested that changing the cultural
environment might affect the throwing movements children display.
Different cultures form different constraints on gender. Indeed, the
term "gender" represents biological sex overlaid with cultural
expectations about appropriate behavior for that sex. Adopting the
Newell model in the present study, we asked whether the gender gap
would occur in a culture in which throwing was not particularly
encouraged. In such a culture, we speculated that boys would practice
the throw less than boys in the U.S. and, therefore, not be as
developmentally ahead of girls.
To examine our cultural hypothesis, we replicated the Pulito Runion et
al. (2003) throwing study in Germany, where the most popular sport is
Fussball (soccer; Flippo, 1996). Over 1.5 million 7-14-year-olds
participate in this sport (Hedderich, 2005). The only throwing sport
some German children play is team handball, but, in contrast to
Fussball, only 200,000 7-14-year-olds participate (Hedderich, 2005).
For these reasons, we hypothesized that German teens would report less
throwing practice than U.S. teens, but, like U.S. teens, they would
consider ball throwing appropriate for both genders. Second, we
hypothesized that the gender gap in ball velocities would be smaller
in Germany than in the U.S., causing a significant gender by country
interaction. We also hypothesized that the German teens would show
gender differences in fewer movement components of the throw than U.S.
Pulito Runion et al. (2003) collected throwing data in May 1999 on 50
U.S. teenagers (Mage = 13.3 years). The participants had been randomly
selected from junior high school physical education classes in Bowling
Green, OH. In 2002, we randomly selected 52 German teens from physical
education classes in a junior high school in Heldenbergen, a suburb of
Frankfurt am Main, Germany. On average, the 28 German boys (M age =
13.8 years) were 6 months older than the U.S. boys (M age = 13.3
years) while the 24 girls (M age = 14.0 years) were 8 months older
than the U.S. girls (M age = 13.3 years). The size of the German
sample provided sufficient power (1-[beta] =...
GENDER GAP IN CHESS: 100 TO 1
ABSTRACT—Only 1% of the world's chess grandmasters are women. This
underrepresentation is unlikely to be caused by discrimination,
because chess ratings objectively reflect competitive results. Using
data on the ratings of more than 250,000 tournament players over 13
years, we investigated several potential explanations for the male
domination of elite chess. We found that (a) the ratings of men are
higher on average than those of women, but no more variable; (b)
matched boys and girls improve and drop out at equal rates, but boys
begin chess competition in greater numbers and at higher performance
levels than girls; and (c) in locales where at least 50% of the new
young players are girls, their initial ratings are not lower than
those of boys. We conclude that the greater number of men at the
highest levels in chess can be explained by the greater number of boys
who enter chess at the lowest levels.
GENDER GAP IN FAMILY INCOME: 5 to 1
A US Census Bureau population survey reports that men earn 85% of
family incomes and women only 15%.
GENDER GAP IN ARRESTS: ONE STANDARD DEVIATION
We evaluate two alternative explanations for the converging gender gap
in arrest—changes in women's behavior versus changes in mechanisms of
social control. Using the offense of drunk driving and three
methodologically diverse data sets, we explore trends in the DUI
gender gap. We probe for change across various age groups and across
measures tapping DUI prevalence and chronicity. Augmented Dickey-
Fuller time-series techniques are used to assess changes in the gender
gap and levels of drunk driving from 1980 to 2004. Analyses show women
of all ages making arrest gains on men—a converging gender gap. In
contrast, self-report and traffic data indicate little or no
systematic change in the DUI gender gap. Findings support the
conclusion that mechanisms of social control have shifted to target
female offending patterns disproportionately. Little support exists
for the contention that increased strain and liberalized gender roles
have altered the gender gap or female drunk-driving patterns.
GENDER GAP IN PATENTS: 14 TO 1
Even after four decades of affirmative action and rampant feminism,
how can it be explained that men STILL get 14 TIMES as many patents as
"Of the scientists in our sample, 11.5% are listed as inventors on
one or more patents. However, the full sample proportion masks a large
gender difference: of the 903 women in the sample, 5.65% held patents
as of the last year of the data. By contrast, 13% of the 3,324 male
scientists in the data are listed on patents. Moreover, the 431 male
patenters have amassed a total of 1,286 patents in our dataset. This
compares to 92 patents produced by the 51 women patenters."
GENDER GAP IN ACADEMY MATHEMATICIANS: 20 TO 1
Excerpted from the following article is this statement about members
of Academy mathematicians scoring 4.68 standard deviations higher than
the national average for American males. Could it be that more than
half of Norway's population scores above this level?
"The pool of competitors is roughly the number of Americans between
the ages of 25 and 85, approximately 190,000,000. Setting N =
190,000,000 (the precise value is not important3) and the number of
slots NS = 143, the competitor to slot ratio, N /NS , is 1.329
million. With this value in (3), we find that the most probable number
of women in the group of 143 Academy mathematicians is 7.1. (I choose
not to round to the nearest integer.) At this time there are precisely
7 women in the mathematics sections of the Academy. (The agreement is
almost embarrassing.) The 95% confidence interval4 is [2,12]. The
minimum mathematical ability among the 143 Academy members is 4.68 SD
greater than the male population mean. This is indeed an elite bunch!"
GENDER GAP IN BUSINESS INCOME: 2 STANDARD DEVIATIONS
Adding women to the ownership of a man owned business reduces its
potential receipts by $323,300 or 55.5%.
Adding men to the ownership of a woman owned business increases its
potential receipts by $108,100 or 71.5%.
Completely removing women from ownership increases potential receipts
by $431,400 to four fold greater than a woman owned business with no
men owners present.
GENDER GAP IN COMPUTER SCIENCE: 5 TO 1
A Globe review shows that the proportion of women among bachelor's
degree recipients in computer science peaked at 37 percent in 1985 and
then went on the decline. Women have comprised about 28 percent of
computer science bachelor's degree recipients in the last few years,
and in the elite confines of research universities, only 17 percent of
graduates are women. (The percentage of women among PhD recipients has
grown, but still languishes at around 20 percent.)
GENDER GAP IN INCOMES--EGALITARIAN MEN EARN $10,000 LESS
"One of the most remarkable changes in the U.S. labor market during
the 1980s has been the sharp reduction in the pay gap between men and
women. In 1979, the ratio of the average hourly wage of women to that
of men was 68.6 percent. By 1991, it had increased to 78.5 percent."
This ignores the other "most remarkable changes" in that timeframe,
which was the two thirds plunge in household incomes in the US while
other industrialized nations' (as well as former third world nations')
household incomes skyrocketed, as well as factors like the following:
"The authors then turned to the connection between attitudes and
salaries. Those subjects that had traditional attitudes towards
workplace gender and were a standard deviation off the mean showed
substantial salary disparities, with men earning over $11,000 more
than their female peers. In contrast, those that were a standard
deviation more egalitarian in their attitudes had a pay gap just over
$1,000. Only about $1,500 of that came from higher earnings by
egalitarian females; the rest is accounted for by a precipitous drop
in the earnings of egalitarian males.
"Part of that difference arises from career choice; traditionalist men
mostly outearned women in fields where there were fewer women
employed. The difference was also largest in jobs on the lower-end of
the income scale, suggesting that traditional gender roles are
stronger influences in blue-collar fields. Seniority also had a big
impact on disparities: over the 25-year study period, pay went up 120
percent for women, but nearly 320 percent for men."
After thirty years of relative constancy, the gender pay gap in the
United States narrowed substantially in the 1980s. For example,
published tabulations from the Census Bureau on the median annual
earnings of year-round, full-time workers indicate that the female-to-
male ratio rose from 59.7 to 68.7 percent between 1979 and 1989—a gain
of 9.0 percentage points. However, the rate of convergence slowed
markedly in the following decade, with a further increase to 72.2
percent by 1999—an increase of only 3.5 percentage points. In this
paper, we shed light on several possible sources of slowing
convergence in the 1990s using data from the Michigan Panel Study of
Income Dynamics (PSID), the only nationally representative data base
that contains information on workers’ actual labor market experience.
Labor market experience has been shown to be an extremely important
factor in explaining the gender pay gap (Mincer and Polachek 1974) and
its trends (e.g., Blau and Kahn 1997; O'Neill and Polachek 1993). We
focus on a number of hypotheses that might help to explain the slower
progress of women in the 1990s.
GENDER GAP IN DIVING: 3 STANDARD DEVIATIONS
DIFFERENCE IN LENGTH OF MALE & FEMALE CHROMOSOME
3 STANDARD DEVIATIONS
As early as 1928, it was known in our literature that there is a three
standard deviation difference between the lengths of the male and
GENDER GAP IN POLITICS: 3 STANDARD DEVIATIONS